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About this book

Rarely has European politics been so tumultuous or difficult to predict. The global economic crisis and subsequent recession have had a profound effect on Europe's political, economic and social landscape, as governments have been forced to cope with almost unprecedented levels of public debt. A pan-European analysis is essential for those seeking to understand contemporary trends and developments.

Developments in European Politics brings together specially commissioned chapters by leading authorities to give an up-to-date and systematic analysis of European political developments – in institutions, processes and policy – at both national and regional levels. It provides wide-ranging and clear analysis of the factors influencing European politics, from the Europeanization of national politics to the broader forces of globalization, immigration, climate change and international terrorism.

Table of Contents

Chapter 1. Introduction: Developments in European Politics 2

Abstract
The first edition of Developments in European Politics was published in 2006. Writing in the shadow of the ‘old Europe–new Europe’ debates that surrounded the Iraq War and the historic enlargement of the European Union to include ten new member states, we sought to show how the two parts of Europe could be treated analytically as a coherent whole. We urged our contributors to look for lessons that could travel from East to West as well as the other way around. We analysed common patterns, we examined common challenges, and we evaluated common projects. This was a big departure in scope from our previous efforts with Developments in West European Politics but it was not much of a change in form or method. The chapters were still pitched to an upper-level undergraduate or postgraduate audience eager to learn how to piece together the various isolated incidents they read about in the newspaper and form a deeper understanding or interpretation of Europe.
Erik Jones, Paul M. Heywood, Martin Rhodes, Ulrich Sedelmeier

Chapter 2. Globalization and Interdependence

Abstract
The global economic and financial crisis provides a stark backdrop for analysing developments in European politics. The crisis delivered a powerful shock to Europe, changing the fates of individual countries and challenging the function of common institutions. Some countries such as Great Britain, Hungary, Iceland, Ireland and Latvia were hit hard already towards the end of 2007. Others, such as France, Italy, Poland or the Czech Republic seemed better able to manage the initial blow. Over time, however, it became apparent that no country was immune to the effects of the crisis, which reverberated across the continent as a whole. Moreover, while the initial shock waves started outside Europe and then moved inward, the later effects took root in Europe before spreading to the outside world. The collapse in European demand for exports from emerging markets was one example; the sovereign debt crisis was another.
Erik Jones

Chapter 3. The Differential Impact of the European Union on European Politics

Abstract
There are many different definitions of the term Europeanization, but it broadly refers to the impact that the European Union (EU) has in the domestic realm of particular countries. In this sense, Europeanization is not a concept or a theory, but rather denotes a specific research area. Sometimes it is considered a second wave of research into the EU. After the main focus of the first wave was the study of European integration - the agreement on common rules and the delegation of tasks to intergovernmental and supranational institutions - researchers have turned their attention to studying the domestic impact that European integration and the EU has on its members. The main questions of the study of Europeanization of EU member states is the extent to which the EU has an impact, and how we can explain differences in its impact across countries. A related question is whether Europeanization induces convergence among EU member states.
Ulrich Sedelmeier

Chapter 4. Government and Governance in Europe

Abstract
Europe comprise both a fairly uniform and very diverse group of countries. This inherently contradictory statement flows from the fact that we are dealing with a group of countries defined by geographic location which are all democracies. As such, they are uniform and differ from many other countries in the world. However, once we start inspecting the nature of their democracies somewhat closer, we quickly discover substantial differences. In the first instance, we are dealing essentially with two groups of countries, some of which achieved democracy only at the beginning of the 1990s, and are characterized by their postcommunist heritage, while democracy dates back further in the remaining countries. The latter again divide into three groups: those where democracy survived the challenges of Fascism (though many of them were occupied by Germany during the Second World War), those where democracy was finally established after the Second World War, and those where authoritarianism lingered on until the 1970s. These very different historical pathways to democracy suggest that we should be able to find their traces in the political structures of these countries.
Rainer Eising, Thomas Poguntke

Chapter 5. Political Parties, Representation and Politics in Contemporary Europe

Abstract
Political parties across the democratic world come in for much criticism these days. The challenges to party are multiple and frequently rehearsed, both in the academic literature and in broader political debate. Across Europe, both East and West, there is widespread evidence of popular mistrust and disillusionment with party politics; electoral turnout is often disappointingly low and has declined since 1990 in many cases; party membership and activism have collapsed; dissatisfied democrats deride parties for stifling public engagement with politics and call for more radical forms of participatory democracy, while stealth democrats have little innate interest in politics, deride party conflict, and are susceptible to the appeals of populist demagoguery and fringe movements; interest groups and social movements are widely seen as more popular vehicles for political engagement and representation than parties; the collective identities and action that parties once embodied are increasingly undermined by the erosion of distinctive social or programmatic profiles and the emergence of a form of politics obsessed with individual personalities; and critics often lament the failure of parties to make a difference to policy outputs.
Paul Webb

Chapter 6. Elections and Electoral Systems

Abstract
The competition between political parties for votes in periodic elections remains the cornerstone of democracy in Europe, and in many respects little seems to have changed over the last few decades. Seymour Martin Lipset and Stein Rokkan famously stated in the 1960s that the party alternatives, and in remarkably many cases the party organizations, are older than the majorities of the national electorates (1967: 50) in Europe. Although this is obviously not the case for the newer democracies of Central and Eastern Europe, it is still not so far off the mark in many of the older democracies of Western Europe. A quick glance at some of the parties in government in large European democracies at the end of the 2000s suggests a high degree of continuity. Centre-left parties in government are almost always older than any of their voters: the Labour party (in government until 2010) in the UK was founded in 1900, the Socialist party in Spain (PSOE) in 1879, the Social Democratic Party (SPD) in Germany in 1863. The Conservatives and Liberal Democrats in Britain date back (in one form or another) to the eighteenth century. Even among the newer governing parties, the Christian Democratic Union (CDU) in Germany was founded in 1945, and Nicolas Sarkozys Union for a Popular Majority (UMP), although founded in 2002, is in large part the same party that has represented the Gaullist tradition under various names ever since the 1950s. Dramatic changes have occurred in some countries, most notably Italy and Belgium. But on the surface, the broad picture for Western Europe is one of stability, with the principal political parties becoming part of the national political heritage, passed down through the generations.
Jonathan Hopkin

Chapter 7. Political Activism

Abstract
Many believe that in recent decades European democracies face a hazardous and difficult path way steering between the twin dangers of political activism where the public is neither too lukewarm nor overheated, the Scylla and Charybdis of contemporary politics. One potential danger is that European citizens are becoming increasingly disengaged from civic affairs, as indicated by falling electoral turnout since the early-1990s and eroding grassroots party membership. In the June 2008 elections to the European Parliament, for example, more than half of the electorate (57 per cent) stayed home. Voter turnout in these elections fell to a new low of 43 per cent in 2008, down from 62 per cent in 1979. Post-war turnout in parliamentary national elections, illustrated in Figure 7.1, show a pattern of trendless fluctuations until the 1990s, when there was a significant decline in Western Europe, as well as sharper falls in Central and Eastern Europe. Turnout was about 76 per cent on average in 52 Western European parliamentary elections in 2000 to 2009, down about 10 percentage points from its peak during the 1960s. Similarly average turnout in Central and Eastern European parliamentary elections fell from 71 per cent in the 1990s to 60 per cent during the following decade. Such indicators are widely regarded as signalling public disaffection and the growth of more critical citizens, especially if coupled with low or declining levels of trust in core state institutions, including parliaments, parties and elected politicians (Norris 1999b, 2011; Dalton 2004; Hay 2007).
Pippa Norris

Chapter 8. Cities, Regions and the New Territorial Politics

Abstract
European states have been confronted for some years by the triple pressure of economic globalization, European integration and the growing desire for autonomy on the part of subnational political communities. As a result of decentralization reforms, the evolution of EU policies and, more generally, the increasing globalization of the overall economic context, the central administrative organs of Western states have lost their monopoly on political initiative (Keating 1998, 2008; Keating and Loughlin 1996; Jeffery 1997; Le Gals and Lequesne 1998; Ngrier and Jouve 1998). The growing power of cities and regions in the public policy process is one of the most striking consequences of decentralization processes in most European states, all the more so as regionalization has long been regarded with considerable suspicion by central governments, anxious to avoid any concession to political fragmentation. This desire notwithstanding, the new economic, social and cultural logics to which national governments are increasingly exposed, are contributing to the erosion of the nation-state mythology. Indirectly, but significantly, these developments serve to reinforce both the capacity and the growing legitimacy of the actions taken by cities and regions in Europe.
Romain Pasquier

Chapter 9. Culture versus Institutions: Social Capital, Trust and Corruption

Abstract
Concern about public confidence in the political class and civic engagement with the political process is hardly a novel phenomenon. However, both in the established European democracies and in the post-communist countries of East-Central Europe, there are few signs of any arrest to the apparent disillusionment with politics and the political process. As Pippa Norris notes (Chapter 7, in this book), the 2009 European elections saw electoral turnout fall for the seventh time in a row to reach a new low of just 43 per cent across the 27 member states of the European Union (EU-27). In some of the newer member states, turnout was exceptionally low: 19.6 per cent in Slovakia, 21 per cent in Lithuania and 24.5 per cent in Poland. This contrasts sharply with the 1979 elections, when only in Denmark (47.8 per cent), the Netherlands (58 per cent) and the UK (32.4 per cent) did turnout fall below 61 per cent. To be sure, there may be very specific reasons why turnout should have fallen so precipitously in elections to the European Parliament (EP), which may not reflect any wider sense of disengagement from politics - including the view that such elections are of limited importance given the EPs perceived lack of capacity to exercise significant influence.
Paul M. Heywood, Chris Wood

Chapter 10. Varieties of European Capitalism and their Transformation

Abstract
European capitalism, according to the conventional wisdom, is very different from the wilder forms of capitalism found across the Atlantic. It incorporates a strong sense of social justice with a larger role for the state and for regulation in the economy, without necessarily leading to a less efficient outcome in terms of growth and productivity. The key ingredient is the institutionalized balance of power between capital and labour, which follows from their mutual dependence: capitalists need the skills of workers and workers need investment in new sophisticated machinery by capitalists in order to bring about economic growth. That mutual dependence has led to institutions which make sure that economic decision-making, from the firm to the macro-economy, incorporates both capital and labour. While this broad picture is not without merit, things are, in fact, considerably more complicated. Instead of one type of European capitalism, we have, over the last three decades, discovered two or even more (Hall and Soskice 2001; Amable 2003; Whitley 1999; Crouch 2005), and realized along the way that such diversity in socio-economic arrangements has probably always been a defining characteristic of the political economy of Europe (see, e.g. Shonfield 1965; Piore and Sabel 1984; Zysman 1983; Berger and Piore 1981).
Bob Hancké

Chapter 11. Welfare States in Trouble: Policy Reform in a Period of Crisis

Abstract
The ‘crisis’ of welfare state has often been announced. There was a crisis in the 1970s, when European economies were hit by the twin oil shocks, putting a dramatic end to the trente glorieuses. Crisis returned in the 1990s when many national budgets were constrained by the need to comply with EMU debt and deficit criteria. In the 2000s, the emergence of ‘new social risks’ (increasing poverty and social inequalities) called for a recalibration of social protection systems; and in 2008 to 2010 the international financial crisis has pushed up government debt and threatened welfare spending. But much like the boy who cried wolf, the word ‘crisis’ has been massively overused (Castles 2004). Welfare states have continued to grow, and the biggest issue facing governments is making welfare budgets sustainable. ‘External shocks’ have contributed to the complex set of forces, including domestic factors and ideational changes that have gradually impacted the scale and orientation of social spending. But radical reforms – even in the present crisis – are limited by popular support for welfare and the reluctance of politicians to antagonize public opinion (Pierson 2001; Vis et al. 2010). Welfare reform tends to be slow and incremental; but even gradual change can produce a substantial transformation over time.
Elisabetta Gualmini, Martin Rhodes

Chapter 12. Religion-Related Issues in European Politics and Law

Abstract
The much-discussed resurgence of the religious factor in politics across the world has not left Europe untouched. While the continent, especially in its more westerly and northern parts, has often been taken to represent the quintessence of secularity, it has also in recent decades witnessed the recrudescence of some old, as well as the emergence of some new, religion- related issues and controversies in public life (Casanova 1994; Katzenstein 2004; Taylor 2007). For some academic commentators, Europe faces nothing less than the undoing of the Westphalian settlement of 1648, which is conventionally regarded as having put an end to Europes wars of religion, and/or a struggle to defend Western values and institutions against those in or from the rest of the world who progressively and aggressively seek to undermine them (Huntington 1996; Philpott 2004). Political commentators from the left and the right argue that Europe faces nothing short of a cultural and moral - even a civilizational - crisis (Fallaci 2002; Weigel 2005). Meantime among increasingly vocal secularists the fear is expressed that the re-emergence of religion related issues and the political mobilization of groups along lines of religious identification represents an intolerable breach of an essential principle of keeping private religious concerns and arguments out of politics and public affairs.
John T.S. Madeley

Chapter 13. European Immigration Policies: Between Stemming and Soliciting Still

Abstract
At the same time, there is considerable variety in the size of the immigrant share, which often does not correlate with the degree of political conflict. France and Denmark, two notorious hard-liners in recent years where immigration has been consistently subject to fierce political controversy, boast relatively modest foreign-born population shares, with 8.3 and 6.6 per cent in 2006, respectively. By contrast, Sweden or Ireland, despite their relatively high immigrant shares (12.9 and 14.4 per cent, respectively), are considerably more relaxed. The same has to be said about Spain, which has seen a meteoric growth of its immigrant population, with annual inflows increasing more than fourteen-foldThis mix of slow progression leading to abrupt change is hardly limited to politics. The impact of global warming is another example; the sudden onset of the economic crisis is a third. Indeed, we have learned through the exercise of reading and writing the contributions to this volume that the mix of long causality and sudden expression is the greatest common factor at work across European experience. Similar causal mechanisms may work faster in some countries and slower in others, the influence of different factors may vary from one place to the next, and yet no part of Europe is isolated and virtually every experience is shared to some extent.
Christian Joppke

Chapter 14. Resource Politics: The Rapidly Shifting European Energy Policy Agenda

Abstract
European Union (EU) energy policy has been confined to the narrow fields of coal and nuclear energy for decades, deriving its authority from the treaties on the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) and on the European Atomic Community (Euratom). Periodic attempts to extend the EUs jurisdiction in times of real or perceived threats to energy supplies remained unsuccessful. Outside these two sectors, EU policy has been limited to a series of broad horizontal policy goals, such as promoting the rational use of energy and reducing Europes oil import dependency. Member states were not able to accept an energy chapter in the EUs most important treaty, the Treaty on the European Community (TEC), most recently in Maastricht (in 1992) and Amsterdam (1997). Although the Maastricht summit agreed on a new article (Article 3(u)), which added measures in the field of energy as legitimate Community activities, this by no means constituted an EU competence or authority in the field of energy. Despite strong support from the European Commission and the European Parliament, the majority of member states were reluctant to lose their real or perceived autonomy over energy policy. The main reasons have been differences in interests between producer and non-producer countries as well as the different structures of national energy sectors, best exemplified in the organization of network energy industries.This mix of slow progression leading to abrupt change is hardly limited to politics. The impact of global warming is another example; the sudden onset of the economic crisis is a third. Indeed, we have learned through the exercise of reading and writing the contributions to this volume that the mix of long causality and sudden expression is the greatest common factor at work across European experience. Similar causal mechanisms may work faster in some countries and slower in others, the influence of different factors may vary from one place to the next, and yet no part of Europe is isolated and virtually every experience is shared to some extent.
Christian Egenhofer, Arno Behrens

Chapter 15. The Foreign Policies of Europe and its States

Abstract
The early twenty-first century has been a period of change and transition in international relations to which European states are still adjusting. Individually and collectively, European states face foreign policy challenges in connection with the forging of relations with other key global powers such as the United States (US) and the new rising powers of China and Russia. These relations are developing in the context of an ongoing process of globalization, alongside the relative decline of the US as the Asia-Pacific region accounts for a greater share of global economic activity, levels of US indebtedness increase, and US military power appears diminished as a consequence of the difficulties encountered by interventions in Iraq and Afghanistan. This mix of slow progression leading to abrupt change is hardly limited to politics. The impact of global warming is another example; the sudden onset of the economic crisis is a third. Indeed, we have learned through the exercise of reading and writing the contributions to this volume that the mix of long causality and sudden expression is the greatest common factor at work across European experience. Similar causal mechanisms may work faster in some countries and slower in others, the influence of different factors may vary from one place to the next, and yet no part of Europe is isolated and virtually every experience is shared to some extent.
Richard G. Whitman, Emma J. Stewart

Chapter 16. ‘Old’ and ‘New’ European Counter-Terrorism

Abstract
After the attacks on September 11, 2001 governments around the world rushed to implement new counter-terrorism measures to deal with this apparently new danger. Although the terrorist attack now commonly referred to as 9/11 was condemned by almost all countries, the initial harmonious relationship in the fight against terrorism quickly evaporated thereafter. It is generally accepted that the United States and Europe see the problem of terrorism very differently, but even within Europe there are differences. This chapter seeks to examine some of the recent European counter-terrorism measures implemented in the aftermath of 9/11 and the bombings in Madrid on 11 March 2004 and London on 7 July 2005, and discusses the theoretical advantages and disadvantages of these policies. In order to draw out some of the similarities and differences in responses to counter-terrorism across European countries, and to examine their impact on civil liberties, the key focus will be on a comparison between the national policies of both old and new members of the European Union (EU) rather than on the policies of the EU itself. Due to the large number of European states it should be stressed that this chapter can only offer a very brief overview of European counter-terrorism.This mix of slow progression leading to abrupt change is hardly limited to politics. The impact of global warming is another example; the sudden onset of the economic crisis is a third. Indeed, we have learned through the exercise of reading and writing the contributions to this volume that the mix of long causality and sudden expression is the greatest common factor at work across European experience. Similar causal mechanisms may work faster in some countries and slower in others, the influence of different factors may vary from one place to the next, and yet no part of Europe is isolated and virtually every experience is shared to some extent.
Alexander Spencer
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