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About this book

International migration and mobility whether from outside the EU or in the form of free movement by EU citizens are controversial and potentially divisive issues that are and will remain at the top of the EU’s political agenda.

This fully revised and updated text analyses the complex and often controversial nature of policymaking in this fast-developing field, and brings the discussion up to date as the ramifications of the so-called ‘migration crisis’ continue to unfold. It offers an exploration of the dynamics of migration and mobility in the EU including different types of migration; the EU’s policy framework within which national policies are now located; and considers the widespread notion and public perception of policy failure in this field.

Unique in its portrayal of policy responses to migration in Europe, this text will be essential reading for undergraduate and postgraduate students of the politics of migration, European integration and the Politics of EU, as well as anyone with an interest in this fascinating policy area.

Table of Contents

1. Studying Migration and Mobility in the European Union

Abstract
‘Eleven months in Moria, Moria, Moria, it’s very traumatic’, said former Congolese political prisoner Michael Tamba, who was housed in the Moria camp on the Greek island of Lesbos. By the end of 2018, the camp was housing around 9,000 migrants despite its intended capacity being for only 3,100 people. At the height of Europe’s ‘migration crisis’ in 2015, many of those who made it to Lesbos and other Greek islands after a perilous sea crossing from Turkey were effectively waved through. Around 1 million people moved on to Germany in 2015 alone. By 2018, European Union (EU) member states had imposed strict controls on this kind of onward ‘secondary’ movement. Michael Tamba was effectively trapped on Lesbos, unwilling to go back to Congo, unable to move on and so desperate that he tried to take his own life (Kingsley 2018). The New York Times commented that the terrible conditions in camps such as Moria were actually part of a deliberate strategy by EU governments to deter migrants from moving to Europe. This strategy also included tighter controls on onward movement within the EU as well as efforts to work with non-EU member states such as Turkey to prevent people crossing by sea to Greece.
Andrew Geddes, Leila Hadj-Abdou, Leiza Brumat

2. Migration and Migration Policy in Europe

Abstract
This chapter sets out the approach that we adopt to the analysis of European and EU migration policy and politics. It begins by providing some data on the main forms of migration and then developing a critique of existing approaches to the analysis of European and EU migration and mobility.
Andrew Geddes, Leila Hadj-Abdou, Leiza Brumat

3. The EU Dimension of Migration and Asylum Policy

Abstract
This chapter identifies key features of the EU’s legal, political and institutional framework in order to show how this system has evolved, how institutional roles have developed, and how these relate to the politicisation of migration and mobility at the EU and member state levels. It also considers how these EU policies and institutions can then impact on member states as a result of ‘Europeanisation’.
Andrew Geddes, Leila Hadj-Abdou, Leiza Brumat

4. Labour Migration

Abstract
This chapter analyses a form of migration – labour migration by non-EU nationals – that is integral to Europe’s migration history, but for which EU competencies are and will probably remain very limited. This is because Article 79(5) of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU) states that provisions of the Treaty ‘do not affect the right of member states to determine volumes of admission of third-country nationals coming from third countries to their territory in order to seek work, whether employed or self-employed’. Even with this significant limitation, there has been EU-level debate about labour migration since the end of the 1990s with some EU developments, particularly in relation to migration into high skilled employment. This does not mean that the EU has no ambitions for future development. The EAM of 2015, for example, expresses the intention to ‘build up a coherent and comprehensive approach to reap the benefits and address the challenges deriving from migration’ (CEC 2015a: 2), but there is likely to be significant political opposition if the EU were to move more decisively into this sensitive policy area.
Andrew Geddes, Leila Hadj-Abdou, Leiza Brumat

5. Family Migration

Abstract
While much public debate in Europe about immigration focuses on labour migration, asylum-seeking and irregular migration, family migration has been, is and will continue to be a key migration flow. In 2017, more than a quarter (26.5 per cent) of ‘first residence permits’ issued by EU member states were for family-related reasons. There is significant variation between member states. In Italy, first residence permits for family reasons were 60 per cent of the total permits issued, in Spain the figure was 54 per cent, while the figure for the UK was much lower at 19.6 per cent (Eurostat 2017b).
Andrew Geddes, Leila Hadj-Abdou, Leiza Brumat

6. Irregular Immigration

Abstract
In the summer of 2018 the rescue boat Aquarius with 629 migrants on board was stranded in the Mediterranean, off the coast of Libya. There was a standoff between the governments of Malta and Italy, as both refused to let the boat dock at their ports. One week after taking office in June 2018, the recently elected Socialist Prime Minister of Spain, Pedro Sánchez, allowed the migrants to disembark in order to avoid what he called a ‘humanitarian catastrophe’ (BBC News 2018). A steep rise in irregular sea arrivals in Spain with 57,000 irregular entries detected in 2018 – double the 2017 number (Frontex 2019a) – was labelled by his political opponents as a ‘Sánchez effect’ (Jones 2019).
Andrew Geddes, Leila Hadj-Abdou, Leiza Brumat

7. Asylum

Abstract
In the summer of 2015 a young women called Salma left the Yarmouk refugee camp in Damascus, Syria with her husband and two small children. Along with millions of other Syrians, they were trapped between fighting groups in the civil war without sufficient food, electricity or water. Salma and her family decided to try to get to Germany. They did not know much about Germany, but saw it as their best option. By taxi and bus they travelled to the Turkish border, where again they ended up in a refugee camp. Desperate to leave, they paid people smugglers to help them continue their journey. At the Turkish coast Salma and her family, together with 60 other people boarded a small boat to go to Greece. From Greece, they crossed into North Macedonia, then Serbia, and on to Hungary where Salma worried that being fingerprinted by the authorities could jeopardise an asylum claim in Germany. At each stop Salma faced uncertainty whether she and her family would make it to Germany. She also had to pay more money to smugglers to move on. Hiding from the Hungarian police, Salma, her family and the small group with which they were travelling made it to Budapest. There they found out that the German and Austrian governments had temporarily suspended the EU asylum regulations that usually require registration by asylum seekers in the first EU country that had been entered (in their case, Greece). This decision meant they could board a train to Munich, and at the culmination of a 1,500 mile-long trek, apply for asylum in Germany (Vinograd and Adams 2015).
Andrew Geddes, Leila Hadj-Abdou, Leiza Brumat

8. Mobility and Citizenship

Abstract
In this book we have argued that migration patterns and policies in the EU cannot be understood without accounting for people moving between EU states and those moving from outside the EU. Free movement within the EU is one of the most visible and widely supported aspects of European integration. In 2018, Eurobarometer survey data showed 82 per cent of respondents across the EU to favour ‘the free movement of citizens who can live, work, study and do business anywhere in the EU’. While the principle is widely supported, the practical effects can be more controversial.
Andrew Geddes, Leila Hadj-Abdou, Leiza Brumat

9. Immigrant Integration

Abstract
This chapter shifts the focus to analyse immigrant integration. We have thus far concentrated on extra- and intra-EU population movement. We now look at ‘what happens next’ by analysing responses to immigrant integration in EU member states. We also show that despite or because of its lack of formal competencies, the EU has developed a role for itself through what can be called ‘soft’ governance strategies.
Andrew Geddes, Leila Hadj-Abdou, Leiza Brumat

10. Conclusion

Abstract
By the end of this book, the reader probably has a sense of a complex, continually developing, and also a contested field of EU action. We have seen that competencies have developed both for EU mobility and for migration by TCNs. We have also carefully delineated an approach that distinguishes between different forms or types of migration as well as different phases or aspects of the policy process. The intention was to try to navigate a path through the complexity of EU migration in order to understand more about the organisation of this highly diverse policy field, explain how why and with effects it has developed and also to account for the higher level of political contestation that we now see.
Andrew Geddes, Leila Hadj-Abdou, Leiza Brumat
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