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To the Beginning of the Sixteenth Century

Chapter 1. The Peopling of South-East Asia

Abstract
South-East Asia is a term which came into general use during the Second World War to describe the territories of the eastern Asiatic mainland forming the Indo-Chinese peninsula and the immense archipelago which includes Indonesia and the Philippines. In using the term American writers have standardized the form ‘Southeast’ and have been followed by Victor Purcell1 and E. H. G. Dobby.2 But there seems to be no valid reason for coining a new form in preference to either ‘South-East’ or ‘South East’, both of which have the sanction of long usage. The Royal Navy uses the hyphen. During the war SEAC used the unhyphenated form, but the Mountbatten Reports3 reverts to the use of the hyphen. Like all terms applied to a large area for the sake of convenience, it is open to a number of objections. Discussion of these here is unnecessary, since our use of the term is dictated solely by convenience.
D G E Hall

Chapter 2. South-East Asian Proto-History

Abstract
The term ‘Hinduization’ has been generally applied by scholars to the impact of Indian culture upon South-East Asia. Coedès goes so far as to term the states which developed under its influence les états hindouisés, in spite of the fact that Buddhism played an important role in the movement, and Theravada Buddhism1 ultimately became the dominant faith of Burma and Arakan, the Tai states and Cambodia. And whereas Hinduism disappeared before Islam in the Malay Peninsula and Indonesia at the end of the European Middle Ages, Buddhism continued to receive the staunch allegiance of the countries it had conquered.
D G E Hall

Chapter 3. The Island Empires (1)

Abstract
The Fall of Funan, with its powerful fleet and commercial ramifications, was followed by the rise of a new maritime empire at the western end of Indonesia. The earliest historical evidence of the new state is fragmentary, the lacunae are baffling in the extreme, and the picture that emerges is often far from clear. But since George Coedès published the first study of the history of Śrivijaya in 19181 much progress has been made in clarification and amplification. On some important points, however, there are still wide divergencies of opinion among scholars.
D G E Hall

Chapter 4. The Island Empires (2)

Abstract
The dominance of the Buddhist Śailendras over central Java in the eighth century caused Śaivism to seek a refuge in the eastern parts of the island. There is evidence of the existence of an independent kingdom there in the latter half of the century, with its centre somewhere in the neighbourhood of Malang. It was thus a forerunner of the much later kingdom of Singosari. Its monuments were similar in style to the ones that the Sailendras were erecting at the same time in central Java, but were dedicated to the cult of Agastya, the sage who Hinduized south India. The rulers of the state were the guardians of a royal linga representing much the same politico-religious ideas as were to be found in contemporary Champa and Jayavarman II’s Cambodia. The oldest dated document coming from East Java belongs to this period. It is a Sanskrit inscription dated 760 recording the foundation at Dinaya of a sanctuary of Agastya by a king named Gajayana.
D G E Hall

Chapter 5. The Khmers and Angkor

Abstract
The disappearance of the empire of Funan in the middle of the sixth century came, according to the Chinese account, through the rebellion of a feudatory state named Chenla. The History of the Sui describes the occurrence thus: ‘the kingdom of Chenla is on the south-west of Lin-yi. It was originally a vassal kingdom of Funan. The family name of the king was Ch’a-li and his personal name Che-to-sseu-na. His predecessors had gradually increased the power of the country. Che-to-sseu-na attacked Funan and conquered it.’ Lin-yi is, of course, Champa, Ch’a-li stands for Kshatriya, and Che-to-sseu-na for Chitrasena. No explanation of the name ‘Chenla’ has yet been found; it cannot be related to any Sanskrit or Khmer word.
D G E Hall

Chapter 6. Burma and Arakan

Abstract
The chronicle writings of Burma are a branch of the country’s literature of great interest and value. Their accounts of Burma’s very early history do, of course, contain much myth and legend, and Western historians have resorted to searching for other forms of evidence, such as inscriptions, Chinese writings, linguistics and archaeological explorations for use in checking their statements. The chronicles make Tagaung in Upper Burma their first capital and provide dated lists of its kings from the ninth century b.c. They also provide dated lists of the kings of Tharekittara (Old Prome) from 443 b.c., the supposed date of the city’s foundation, which, according to tradition, was prophesied by Gautama Budda before entering Nirvana. The city’s first king, Dwattabaung, is said to have married two wives, his sister and a naga princess. Thus do the chronicles explain the custom which persisted up to the end of the monarchy—that the chief queen must be the king’s sister.
D G E Hall

Chapter 7. Early Siam: Mons and T’ai

Abstract
Long before the first bands of T’ai-speakers settled in the basin of the Menam Chao Phraya, central Siam, the home of the Mon people, witnessed the rise of their state known by the Sanskrit title of Dvaravati. Later the name was to form part of the official title of the T’ai kingdom of Ayut’ia, and in 1782 was to pass into that of the Bangkok régime. The name Dvaravati is that of the legendary capital of Krishna in the Mahabharata story. In his paper ‘Dvaravati and Old Burma’1 Gordon Luce describes the kingdom of Dvaravati as essentially ‘Monland’, the cultural centre of the Mons, and themselves as probably the oldest of the present inhabitants of central Siam, and of Burma, whither they spread from Siam. He thinks they must at one time have spread over most to Burma because of the number of Mon words found in the main languages spoken there today.
D G E Hall

Chapter 8. The Kingdom of Champa

Abstract
The foundation and early history of the Cham kingdom has been dealt with in a previous chapter. The story is now taken up from the early part of the seventh century, when the accession of the T’ang dynasty in China brought a lull in Cham aggression which for various reasons lasted until the beginning of the ninth century. The seventh century saw the beginnings of artistic developments, chiefly at Misön and Tra-kieu, close to Amaravati (Quang-nam) just south of modern Tourane and the Col des Nuages. Some of the Misön monuments are still to be seen, but at Tra-kieu only the bases remain, since the city was later destroyed. Most of them belong to the long and peaceful reign of Prakasadharma, who on coming to the throne in 6S3 adopted the regnal title of Vikrantavarman. They are closely Indian in style. Several are dedicated to Vishnu, whose cult appears for the first time in Champa during his reign. Both he and his successor, Vikrantavarman II (?686–731), sent numerous missions to China. A rock inscription of Prakasadharma, found to the north of Nha-trang, shows that his sway extended well to the south of the modern Cap Varella.
D G E Hall

Chapter 9. Annam and Tongking

Abstract
The Vietnamese, as they now prefer to be called, are today the most numerous of the peoples of the Indo-Chinese peninsula. They occupy the valleys of the Red and Black rivers of Tongking, the coastal belt of Annam and the Mekong delta region of Cochin China. At the beginning of the Christian era they occupied Tongking and northern Annam only. They pushed southwards at the expense of the Chams, whose kingdom they conquered in the fifteenth century. Under the leadership of the Nguyen of Hué the last remaining independent Cham districts were absorbed during the seventeenth century. In the same century the Vietnamese began to plant colonies in the Mekong delta region in what was then Cambodian territory, and from that time onwards their steady penetration into Cochin China has been continuous.
D G E Hall

Chapter 10. Malacca and the Spread of Islam

Abstract
Long before the days of the Prophet the Arabs had made settlements along the trade route between the Red Sea and China. Islam gave a new impetus to their shipping. In the eighth century they were sufficiently numerous in south China to sack Canton (758). In the ninth century there were small communities of Mahommedan merchants in several ports on the route to China. In the eleventh century they are mentioned as having existed in Champa for some time. They married native women but kept themselves socially apart from the non-Mahommedan communities. There is no evidence of Arab settlements of any importance in the Indonesian archipelago. Much of it, including Java and the Spice Islands, lay well away from the trade route to China.
D G E Hall

Chapter 11. The Economy of South-East Asia Before the Beginning of the European Impact

Abstract
It is impossible to present a completely integrated picture of the old economy of South-East Asia before the sixteenth century when the writings of European visitors begin to provide valuable information not available in indigenous sources themselves. The abundant chronicle writings are concerned only with dynastic happenings. Chinese writings are more helpful in matters of commerce and commercial products; but they need expert interpretation, and there are many gaps in their evidence. Nevertheless, recent work by Paul Wheatley and O. W. Wolters demonstrates how valuable they are for the solution of some of the most intractable problems faced by the historian of the early period. For the internal economies and social systems of the most advanced societies inscriptions provide source material; but the equipment, linguistic and otherwise, required for their study is such that few workers are attracted into their field. Their usefulness to the economic historian has been indicated by Gordon Luce for the Pagan period in Burmese history and by F. H. van Naerssen for the Śailendra period in Javanese; but a vast amount of work remains still to be done. Finally, as Louis Malleret has shown in the case of Funan, and Bernard Philippe Groslier in the case of Angkor, archaeology can be of great assistance in providing evidence unavailable in written records.
D G E Hall

Chapter 12. Monarchy and the State in South-East Asia

Abstract
In the earliest political communities in South-East Asia of which we have any knowledge there was no such thing as absolute kingship. The king was the head of the community, and as such was bound by adat, the immemorial custom which protected it from magical misfortune, and he held his position because of his knowledge of these usages, not as administrator or power-wielder. When small communities were united to form larger ones the restraints of adat upon the leader’s authority, not least in resolving conflicts between local custom, led him to seek a higher sanction for it, and it is thought that this was a potent reason prompting rulers to invite Indian Brahmans to introduce more exalted concepts of monarchy to their courts and the appropriate ceremonial for their practical application. The most striking of these, the concept of the ‘king of the mountain’, was emphasized by the Chinese in their earliest accounts of Funan thalassocracy dominating the region around the Gulf of Siam in the third and succeeding centuries. At that time it was a Brahmanic concept, but it overlaid an indigenous cult of great antiquity. It could have been connected with ancestor-worship, and, as we have seen in an earlier chapter, one scholar has invoked it to explain the Great Śailendra dynastic monument known as the Borobudur. In Cambodia it was the most powerful ingredient in the devaraja cult.
D G E Hall

Chapter 13. The Coming of the European

Abstract
Mediaeval Europe had no recorded contacts with South-East Asia until late in the thirteenth century, when the Polos, returning from the Court of Kublai Khan by the sea route, passed down the coast of Champa, rounded the southern extremity of the Malay Peninsula, and were held up for five months by monsoon conditions in northern Sumatra before passing on their way across the Indian Ocean. They had crossed Asia by the overland caravan route to China, where in 1275 they had been received by Kublai in the ‘Upper Court’ at Shangtu. During their seventeen years’ sojourn in China Marco was employed as an intelligence officer by the Imperial Court and was sent on distant journeys. On one of these, a four-months journey from Peking to the west, he went via the land of the ‘gold-teeth’ people, with its capital at Yung-ch’ang, between the Mekong and the Salween, by an itinerary which it is impossible to trace, to a town in northern Burma, which he calls ‘Mien’. What impressed him most were two stone towers fifty feet in height, one covered with gold and the other with silver, and both hung round with bells which tinkled in the wind. If his claim to have actually entered Burma is true, and much doubt has been thrown upon it, he may have reached Tagaung. He refers to ‘Mien’ as the capital of Burma, but it is not recognizably Pagan, nor could he have travelled so far within the time at his disposal.
D G E Hall

South-East Asia from the Beginning of the Sixteenth Century to the End of the Eighteenth

Chapter 14. The Portuguese and Spaniards in South-East Asia

Abstract
At the end of the Middle Ages the Portuguese were well fitted for the leadership of a European effort to exploit the trade of the Indian Ocean. Their position on the Atlantic made them a race of mariners able to cope with the risks of the sea. In their long crusade against the Moors they had built up a formidable naval power. They employed skilled Genoese seamen. They were ahead of other powers in the construction of ‘great ships’ able to accommodate large numbers of men for long ocean voyages. Their chief ports, Lisbon and Oporto, had trading connections with both the Mediterranean and northern Europe. When, under the leadership of Vasco da Gama, they made their first appearance in the Indian Ocean they had behind them the experience of a long series of explorations and the urge of a fervent nationalism, which impelled them to destroy Islam.
D G E Hall

Chapter 15. Burma and the T’ai Kingdoms in the Sixteenth Century

Abstract
Three years after the foundation of Ayut’ia in 1350 another T’ai kingdom, later known as the kingdom of Laos or Luang Prabang, was founded in the upper Mekong valley. It came into existence through the union of a number of small Laos states under the leadership of a chief of Muong Swa named Fa Ngum, who had been brought up at the Court of Angkor and was married to a Khmer princess. The origin of the Laos states on the Mekong is obscure and legendary. The T’ai seem to have settled there in the second half of the thirteenth century, and to have been first under the suzerainty of Angkor and later under that of Sukhot’ai. Through such channels they came into contact with Indian culture. Under Fa Ngum they were converted to Hinayana Buddhism. His father-in-law sent him a mission of monks bearing with them the Pali scriptures and a famous statue of the Buddha, which had been sent much earlier by a King of Ceylon as a present to Cambodia and was called the Prabang. It was installed at Lang Chang, Fa Ngum’s capital, in a temple specially built for it, and at a later date the city came to be named after it.
D G E Hall

Chapter 16. Indonesia from the Passing of Majapahit to the Rise of Mataram

Abstract
When the Hindu-Buddhist empire of Majapahit disappeared from the scene, Muslim Demak, which, Schrieke thinks, administered the coup de grâce and did so because the Portuguese of Malacca were seeking to establish contact with its ruler, became the leading state in Java. Members of the old dynasty held out for a century and more at Pasuruan, Panarukan and Balambangan in the eastern parts of the island, but Raden Patah of Demak gained possession of the Majapahit regalia. Later accounts of this period ascribed to him a Majapahit origin, besides telling the dramatic story of his conquest of the city at the head of a Muslim army. Both stories are apocryphal. Dr de Graaf thinks he probably came to Demak from Palembang, and had Chinese blood in him. His kingdom owed its importance to two main factors, its control over the northern rice-growing plains stretching from Japara to Gresik and the extensive trade of those two ports. Through Japara the rice of Java was exported to Malacca; Gresik conducted a flourishing trade with the Spice Islands.
D G E Hall

Chapter 17. Mataram and the Expansion of the V.O.C., 1623–84

Abstract
Jan Pieterszoon Coen was the founder of the Dutch empire of the East Indies; but its development after his death was hardly along the lines he had striven to lay down. According to his plans, Batavia was to be the centre of a great commercial empire based upon complete control of the sea. He did not envisage any wide extension of territorial power and was not interested in the political affairs of the interior of Java. The territories which, in his view, the V.O.C. should have in actual possession were small islands such as Amboina and the Bandas. The remainder of the empire should consist of strongly fortified trading settlements closely linked and protected by invincible sea-power.
D G E Hall

Chapter 18. The Zenith and Decline of the V.O.C., 1684–1799

Abstract
In 1684, when Governor-General Speelman died and was succeeded by the scholarly and unwarlike Johannes Camphuys (1684–91), the Dutch Company was a political force in Java. The sultans of the two most important states, Mataram and Bantam, had been placed on their thrones by its troops and owed it vast sums of money by way of war costs. With both rulers the Dutch had concluded agreements which apparently made them pliable clients of the Company. Quite apart from the indirect control which was thereby implied, the Dutch now possessed a belt of territory stretching across the island from Batavia southward to the opposite coast, thus completely separating the territories of the two states.
D G E Hall

Chapter 19. The Malay Powers from the Fall of Malacca (1511) to the End of the Eighteenth Century

Abstract
Tomé Pires, who came to Malacca in the year after its conquest by Albuquerque, describes conditions there and throughout the Peninsula in the sixth book of his Suma Oriental. He says that from Malacca up to Kedah are the tin lands, all of them previously subject to its sultan. In describing them he mentions Sungei Jugra, Selangor, Klang, Bernam, Mimjam, Bruas and a village called Perak. To the south are Muar and Singapore, the latter of which, he says, consists of only a few villages of Cellates, and is ‘nothing much’. On the east coast, he says, Pahang and its tributary state Trengganu are in the land of Siam; but Pahang is also in the empire of Malacca and constantly at war with the Siamese.
D G E Hall

Chapter 20. Siam and the European Powers in the Seventeenth Century

Abstract
Naresuen, the ‘Black Prince’ of Siam, who turned the tables on the Burmese and restored the independence of his country, holds one of the most honoured places in her history. After the failure of his attack on Toungoo in 1600 he concentrated his attention upon the Shan states, all of which had become independent when Nanda Bayin was finally defeated in 1599. But, as we have seen, the Nyaungyan Prince, with Ava as his base, was soon engaged upon the task of reconquering them, and while campaigning against him in 1605 Naresuen died of a carbuncle.
D G E Hall

Chapter 21. Burma Under the Restored Toungoo Dynasty, 1600–1752

Abstract
When the united kingdom of Burma fell apart in 1599 the condition of the old Mon kingdom of Pegu was indeed wretched. Not only was the capital city in ruins but the whole countryside was laid waste by the invading armies of Arakan, Toungoo and Siam. Syriam was in Arakanese hands, and thither came Philip de Brito y Nicote, a Portuguese in the service of King Min Razagyi, to take charge of the customhouse and control the Portuguese living there under their own laws. With him went two Jesuit missionaries, Pimenta and Boves, both of whom wrote accounts of their experiences, translations of which were published by Samuel Purchas in his Pilgrimes.1 Boves wrote: ‘I also went thither with Philip Brito, and in fifteen days arrived at Syriam, the chief port in Pegu. It is a lamentable spectacle to see the banks of the rivers set with infinite fruit-bearing trees, now overwhelmed with ruins of gilded temples and noble edifices; the ways and fields full of skulls and bones of wretched Peguans, killed or famished or cast into the river, in such numbers that the multitude of carcasses prohibits the way and passage of any ship.’2
D G E Hall

Chapter 22. The Rise and Fall of the Kingdom of Mrohaung in Arakan

Abstract
Arakan stretches for some 350 miles along the eastern shore of the Bay of Bengal to the south of the Chittagong division of East Bengal. It is separated from Burma by a long, deep range of mountains, the Arakan Yoma, through which there are only two serviceable passes, the An connecting with Minbu on the west bank of the Irrawaddy, and the Taungup connecting with Prome. The Arakanese call themselves Rakhaing and their country Rakhaingpyi. According to Sir Arthur Phayre,1 the word is a corruption of the Pali rakkhaso (Skt. rakshasa) meaning ‘ogre’ (Burmese bilu) or guardian of the mansion of Indra on Mount Meru. Sir Henry Yule2 identifies the Argyre or Silverland of Ptolemy with Arakan. But Arakan produced no silver and the previously accepted views of Ptolemy’s data concerning the Indo-Chinese peninsula are now open to question.3
D G E Hall

Chapter 23. The Beginnings of the Konbaung Dynasty in Burma, 1752–82

Abstract
When he returned to Pegu the Yuva Raja left Talaban with inadequate forces to deal with a rebellion on a big scale. This was precisely what the Moksobomyo rebel leader’s successful resistance created within a surprisingly short time. Calling himself Aungzeya, ‘the Victorious’, and ‘inspired by the good Nats who observe religion’, as the Mahayazawin puts it, he found himself the leader of a national movement. In May 1752 he defeated an attack upon his stronghold led by Talaban in person. In the following month he went over to the offensive and attacked a Mon stockade set up to cut off his supplies. Its garrison abandoned it in a panic, leaving all their equipment behind. He was now a minlaung or claimant to the throne, styling himself Alaungpaya, or ‘embryo Buddha’, and provided with a pedigree connecting him with Mohnyinthado, who had reigned at Ava from 1427 to 1440. Everywhere he went he exacted the oath of allegiance. Moksobomyo, ‘the town of the hunter chief’, became Shwebo, ‘the town of the golden leader’, and there he began to build a palace in the approved traditional style.
D G E Hall

Chapter 24. Annam and Tongking, 1620–1820

Abstract
The rivalry between the Trinh and the Nguyen led to over half a century of warfare in the seventeenth century. The wearisome in decisive struggle went on from 1620 to 1674. On paper the Trinh should have won comfortably. According to the accounts of the Christian missionaries, they could muster 100,000 men, 500 elephants and 500 large junks; and the numbers do not seem to have been exaggerated. War was the sole occupation of the mandarins, and the social system of the country was organized upon a military basis. But the Nguyen army, though much smaller, was better equipped with arms procured through the.Portuguese. The Nguyen fought defensive wars and could count on the loyal support of their people. North of Hué they built two great walls to block access from the north, and for a long period these proved a serious obstacle to the Trinh forces. Moreover, the presence of the small Mac principality in the north, weak though it was, was felt as a constant threat to Tongking.
D G E Hall

Chapter 25. The Rape of Cambodia

Abstract
At the beginning of the seventeenth century, after the successive crises of the Siamese capture of Lovek and Spanish intervention from the Philippines, a much feebler Cambodia became a prey once more to exhausting dynastic struggles. Siam, having helped Soryopor to the throne in 1603, became his suzerain power; he in return proclaimed himself Siam’s vassal and adopted Siamese court ceremonial. The in evitable Khmer reaction occurred, and in 1618 Soryopor was forced to abdicate in favour of his son, who declared his independence of Siam and restored the traditional Khmer court dress and usages. He was Chey Chettha II, and to emphasize the new policy he founded a new capital at Udong, just to the south of Lovek. Siam sought to restore her influence: in 1623 she launched two separate land invasions. Both came to grief, the king himself defeating one which was advancing to wards the Tonle Sap Lake, and his brother, Prince Outey, the other in the province of Banteay Meas. In the following year a further Siamese attack by sea also failed.
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Chapter 26. The Kingdom of Laos, 1591–1836

Abstract
While the empire built up by Bayinnaung’s military prowess was in a state of disintegration and his son Nanda Bayin was deeply involved in his struggle with Naresuen of Ayut’ia1 the kingdom of Laos, far away on the upper Mekong, had regained its independence under Nokèo Koumane. He was proclaimed king at Vientiane in 1591, and in the following year his forces overcame the resistance of Luang Prabang and reunited the realm. The little state of ‘Tran Ninh also, with its capital Chieng Khouang close to the Plain of Jars, recognized the revived strength of the Laos kingdom by sending the traditional tokens of allegiance. Incidentally, sandwiched as it was between two states more powerful than itself, Laos and Annam, it paid tribute to both. It is perhaps significant that while its acknowledgement of the suzerainty of Vientiane was accorded every three years, Annam received it annually.
D G E Hall

Chapter 27. Siam from 1688 to 1851

Abstract
P’ra P’etraja, the usurper who saved his country from French domination, had a troubled reign of fifteen years.1 There were constant internal disorders and various parts of the kingdom were involved. They began with a dangerous attempt in 1690 by an impostor, pretending to be a brother of King Narai, to seize Ayut’ia. He gained much support in the districts of Nakhon Nayok, Lopburi and Saraburi; but during his attack on the city the elephant he was riding was shot down and he himself wounded and captured. His followers then dispersed. His defeat caused such panic in the rebellious districts that there was a mass movement from them into Burma. In the next year two provincial governors rebelled, one at Korat in the north and the other at Nakhon Srit’ammarat in the Malay Peninsula. The Korat rising was dealt with first. After much trouble the city was subdued by the novel method of flying kites, to which flaming torches were attached, over it and setting fire to the roofs of the houses. The rebel governor escaped and fled to join the Nakhon Srit’ammarat rebels. These were attacked in 1692, and, again with much difficulty, subdued. The Governor of Korat was killed in the early stages of the fighting. The Governor of Nakhon Srit’ammarat, a Malay and an old friend of the admiral commanding the royal fleet, when further resistance became impossible, killed his wife and family and escaped in a boat with fifty followers by the connivance of his friend.
D G E Hall

The Period of European Territorial Expansion

Chapter 28. The Javanese in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries

Abstract
New research since the publication of the third edition of this book has revealed more of Javanese history, as opposed to the history of Dutch colonial activities in Java, in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. This new work has not only revealed more of the indigenous aspects of events which were formerly understood only from the European point of view, but has also placed European activities themselves in a different perspective. Judgements such as Stapel’s that in 1757 ‘the supreme authority of the [Dutch East India] Company in Java had become an accomplished fact’1 can now be seen to be misleading. The inexorable forward march of European colonialism in Java now appears to have been a myth based upon inadequate historical research.
M. C. Ricklefs

Chapter 29. Indonesia from the Fall of the V.O.C. to the Recall of Raffles, 1799–1816

Abstract
The disappearance of the ‘Kompenie’ made at first little difference to the management of affairs in Indonesia. No matter how loudly the Batavian Republic might echo the French revolutionary doctrine that liberty and equality were the inalienable rights of men, it was not prepared to do anything calculated to destroy the value of its East Indian empire to the home country. The security of that empire, it was firmly convinced, depended upon keeping its peoples in strict subordination. Hence while Dirk van Hogendorp, an ex-governor of the North-East Coast Province of Java and a determined opponent of Nederburgh, pleaded for the separation of trade from government and the abolition of forced deliveries and of the economic servitude known as heerendiensten, Nederburgh’s theory, that the native peoples were naturally lazy and compulsory labour was therefore essential for their own welfare as well as for Dutch commercial profits, was assured of the stronger support.
D G E Hall

Chapter 30. British Beginnings in Malaya: Background to Singapore

Abstract
The acquisition of Penang in 1786 by the English East India Company was dictated by motives of naval strategy. Commercial considerations were, of course, involved, but they bore small relation to the trade of the Malay Peninsula, and the Company had no intention whatever of expanding its political control over Malaya. Pitt’s India Act of 1784 had firmly laid down the doctrine of non-intervention, and Warren Hastings’ successor, Lord Cornwallis, was determined to observe it to the utmost of his ability. Moreover, since the abandonment of the factory at Patani in 1623 the Company had lost interest in Malaya. Great things had been expected of the Patani factory when it was founded by the Globe in 1612.1 It was regarded as one of the key places for trade in the East, along with Surat, the Coromandel Coast and Bantam. Its function was envisaged as the headquarters of the Company’s trade in Siam, Cambodia, Cochin China, Borneo and Japan. When Dutch competition forced its abandonment no further effort was made to establish a trading post in the Peninsula, save for a small, short-lived agency planted at Kedah in 1669 for the purchase of tin.
D G E Hall

Chapter 31. The Straits Settlements and Borneo, 1786–1867

Abstract
When Francis Light took possession of the island of Penang on 11 August 1786 and renamed it Prince of Wales Island he and Sir John Macpherson, the acting Governor-General of India, were under no illusions regarding the fact that the young Sultan of Kedah made the grant almost entirely for the sake of obtaining assistance to maintain his independence.1 This had been made perfectly clear in a letter written in the previous year by the sultan to the Government of India, wherein he explained the terms upon which he was willing to permit the British to settle on the island. In accepting the grant the Government of India sent the sultan assurances so worded as to induce him to believe that it also accepted the obligation involved. Light himself certainly hoped, possibly believed, that the sultan could count on the assistance of the Company should the kind of occasion arise that was envisaged, namely an attack by Siam. Soon after taking over he assured the sultan that while the British were there they would assist him if distressed.
D G E Hall

Chapter 32. The Restored Dutch Régime in Indonesia and the Culture System, 1816–48

Abstract
After Napoleon’s defeat at Leipzig in 1813 the Dutch had joined in the general revolt against him. Van Hogendorp’s younger brother1 organized a provisional government and recalled William VI of Orange, the son of the old Stadhouder, from England. As sovereign prince under the new Fundamental Law adopted in 1814, he was given extensive powers, which included not only the management of the state’s finances but also ‘exclusive control’ over the colonies. In the following year, when by the union of Belgium and Holland the kingdom of the United Netherlands was formed under the provisions of the Treaty of Vienna, William’s rank was raised to that of king.
D G E Hall

Chapter 33. The British Forward Movement in Malaya and Borneo

Abstract
Those people who had agitated for the transfer of the responsibility for the Straits Settlements from the India Office to the Colonial Office must have been disappointed at the immediate results of the change, for during the term of the first Colonial Office governor, Sir Harry Ord, from 1867 to 1873, the policy of non-intervention was maintained even more rigidly than before. Ord himself was the unwilling instrument of the home government in this matter and complained later that he had been unduly hampered in his dealings with the Malay rulers. For he was a helpless spectator of the growing disorder and disintegration to which most of the Malay states were a prey, and was only too well aware of the strong feeling among the mercantile communities in the Straits Settlements that the interior of the Peninsula was rich in natural resources and, given peace and order, was capable of far greater trade than then existed.
D G E Hall

Chapter 34. The Dutch Forward Movement in Indonesia

Abstract
Under Article 59 of the Dutch constitutional revision of 1848, while the king was recognized as the supreme authority over the colonies the stipulation was added that a colonial constitution must be established by law, and that the chambers of the Dutch Parliament were to have specific rights of legislation over colonial currency and finance and such other matters as might be necessary. Article 6o laid down that the king must report annually on colonial affairs. These important changes in the relationship between the mother country and the colonies had at first very little effect upon conditions in the Indies. The Colonial Department was in the grip of officials with a conservative outlook, and the chambers for some time had too little knowledge of colonial affairs to exert any effective influence. But the Regerings-reglement, or Constitutional Regulation, which was passed in 1854 and came into effect in 1856, made one significant change in the colonial government by entrusting the chief power in the Indies to the governor-general and Council. This abolished the rule introduced in 1836, whereby the Council had been reduced to the position of a mere advisory body. Moreover, the Regulation looked forward to the ultimate abandonment of the Culture System and showed clearly that state cultivation was no longer to be fostered by the government. The governor-general was instructed to see that the cultures did not interfere with the production of adequate means of subsistence, and that the oppression connected with them was removed.
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Chapter 35. The Reign of Bodawpaya and the First Anglo-Burmese War, 1782–1826

Abstract
The king known to history as Bodawpaya used a great variety of titles during his own reign. The one which came to be most commonly applied was Mintayagyi Paya, ‘Lord of the Great Law’. He was the third son of Alaungpaya and possibly the ablest statesman of his line. But Michael Symes, who was twice deputed to his Court as the representative of the Government of India, described him as ‘ a child in his ideas, a tyrant in his principles, and a madman in his actions’. His long reign, which lasted until 1819, had a decisive influence upon his country’s history.
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Chapter 36. Burma from the Treaty of Yandabo to the Creation of the Province of British Burma, 1826–62

Abstract
Burma’s defeat in her war with the British had far-reaching consequences. Her territorial losses were great, but even greater was the blow to her national pride. Her military power, once the terror of all her neighbours, was broken beyond recovery. The British, having wrested from her Tenasserim and Arakan, not to mention her more recently acquired territories in Assam and Manipur, were in 1852 to take from her the rich province of Pegu, and finally in 1885 to bring the Alaungpaya dynasty to an end and annex all that remained of its dominions.
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Chapter 37. The Last Days of the Konbaung Dynasty at Mandalay, 1862–85

Abstract
Mindon, who was a son of Tharrawaddy, had been twelve years of age when Arakan and Tenasserim were annexed in 1826. He was raised to the throne just after Pegu and a deep strip of territory to the north of the Burmese province had gone the same way. His kingdom was still a large one stretching many miles up the Irrawaddy and its great tributary, the Chindwin. It contained what was par excellence the Burmese homeland, together with a fringe of mountainous areas occupied by other peoples, principally Shans, Chins and Kachins. Of these the Shans were far the most important, and the thick wedge of their feudatory states paying allegiance to Burma stretched far across the river Salween to the borders of Yunnan, and in the case of Kengtung reached to the upper Mekong. But Mindon was painfully aware of his weakness. He was cut off from the sea; not a vestige of the old military strength of Burma remained, and he himself was a man of peace, not a soldier. He realized, therefore, that it was essential for him to remain on good terms with the British, and he did so.
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Chapter 38. Vietnam and the Beginnings of French Expansion in Indo-China, 1820–70

Abstract
Prince Canh, the eldest son of the Emperor Gia-Long, who had accompanied Pigneau de Behaine to the Court of Versailles, died in 1801. His brother, Minh-Mang, who succeeded to the throne in 1820, hated the ‘barbarians from the West’. He refused to conclude a commercial treaty with France, or even to receive the letter on the subject which Louis XVIII sent him in 1825. Three French attempts to renew commercial relations with his country were made during his reign: by Bougainville in 1825, by de Kergariou in 1827, and by Admiral Laplace in 1831. All were unceremoniously rejected. In 1826 he refused to receive a French consul and broke official relations with France.
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Chapter 39. The Second Stage of French Expansion in Indo-China, 1870–1900

Abstract
In May 1868, when he was at Hankow on his return journey from Yunnan-fu, Francis Garnier met a French merchant Jean Dupuis. The discoveries made by the Doudart de Lagrée-Garnier mission interested Dupuis in the possibility of opening up a trade route into Yunnan by means of the Red River (Song-Koi), and he seems almost immediately to have set out for Yunnan. During 1868–9 he was in the province, but, as in Garnier’s case, the disturbed state of the country consequent upon the Panthay rebellion (1855–73) prevented him from going beyond Yunnan-fu. In February 1871 he left Yunnan-fu for Hanoi in order to carry out a contract to supply the Chinese army in Yunnan with arms and ammunition. Proceeding southwards, he struck the Song-koi at Mang-hao, and from there managed to navigate it to the sea.
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Chapter 40. Siam Under Mongkut and Chulalongkorn, 1851–1910

Abstract
Mongkut, who was the rightful heir to the throne when Rama II died in 1824, was a Buddhist monk when his elder brother, Pra Nang Klao, seized the throne and became Rama III. He was then twenty years old and quite inexperienced in matters of state. Though he had entered a monastery only for the short period that was customary for all young men, he now remained in the order and eventually became Sangkaret Bawaraniwate. In his early years as a monk he became famous for his knowledge of the Pali scriptures, and later for the reformed sect, the D’ammayutika, which he founded. Soon he began to widen the scope of his studies, learning Latin, mathematics and astronomy from the scholarly French missionary Bishop Pallegoix, and English from the American missionaries Caswell, Bradley and House. He became an enthusiast for the study of English, which became his second language; as a king he signed all state papers in roman characters, and his fluent, ungrammatical style makes his letters delicious reading. ‘My gracious friend,’ he wrote to Sir John Bowring, the British envoy, who came to negotiate a treaty in 1855, ‘It give me today most rejoyful pleasure to learn your Excellency’s arrival here… Please allow our respects according to Siamese manners. Your Excellency’s residence here was already prepared. We are longly already for acceptance of your Excellency.’1
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Chapter 41. Britain, France and the Siamese Question

Abstract
The French conquest of Cochin China wrought a profound change in Franco-Siamese relations. In the first place it brought Siam’s eastwards expansion to a stop. France took the place of Vietnam as the competitor with Siam for dominance over Cambodia, and within the briefest possible time won the contest decisively. King Norodom, who had already accepted Siamese suzerainty, was literally forced by the French in 1863 to accept their protection—a position which, he was soon to find, was tantamount to complete control—and four years later Siam signed a treaty with France accepting the inevitable, though with Battambang and Siemreap as a quid pro quo. Siam’s attempts to expand southwards and secure a dominant position in Malaya had likewise been stopped by British action to secure the independence of the threatened states. Unlike France in Indo-China, Britain was in no hurry to force her ‘protection’ on the Malay rulers. The contrast between them as empire-builders, one may venture to comment, was to become even clearer as French expansionist efforts in Indo-China progressed. ‘Britain’, it has been well said,1 ‘annexed areas where she had interests to protect, whereas France annexed areas where she wished to have interests to protect, and so had to shut out competition from the start.’
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Nationalism and the Challenge to European Domination

Chapter 42. The Philippines to the end of Spanish Rule

Abstract
During the first half of the seventeenth century the Spanish hold upon the Philippines was strenuously challenged by the Dutch. Although they came into the island world of South-East Asia mainly in order to wrest control over the spice trade from the Portuguese, the Dutch were equally concerned to break the power of Spain. Quite apart from their general hostility to Spain as the enemy of their independence, they were impelled by two special considerations. In the first place the Spaniards from their Philippine bases could give vital assistance to the Portuguese in the Moluccas; in the second Manila’s strategic position as an entrepôt for Far Eastern trade offered dazzling opportunities of which the Dutch were only too well aware. Hence their onslaught upon the Hispano-Portuguese power in the Moluccas was accompanied by a grim naval warfare waged year after year in Philippine waters. It began in 1600 with an attempt by Oliver van Noort to intercept the Acapulco galleon. When he failed to do so, he cruised about Manila Bay plundering Chinese and Filipino shipping. But at the battle of Mariveles the Spaniards inflicted so severe a check on him that he had to limp away with the loss of one of his ships.
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Chapter 43. The Resurgence of South-East Asia

Abstract
At the beginning of the twentieth century new factors of far-reaching significance may be discerned in the historical development of South-East Asia. Asia as a whole was becoming aware of itself as never before. A fermentation was in process that in many ways bears a striking resemblance to the European Renascence of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Only in South-East Asia’s case, unlike Europe’s, the attack upon traditionalism, the introduction of new ways of thinking and new techniques, and the break-up of the older regimented, feudal social order came as a result of the imposition of alien political and economic domination. By the end of the nineteenth century all her states save Siam had come under European control, and Siam’s own political independence, threatened in 1893 by France, was still in jeopardy.
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Chapter 44. British Burma, 1886–1942

Abstract
Britain’s greatest mistake in dealing with Burma was to attach the country to the Indian empire. It was the natural thing to do, seeing that each stage of the conquest was organized and carried out by the Government of India. But its inevitable result was the standardization of Burma’s administration according to the Indian model. In Malaya the mistake was avoided because the British forward move there came after the transfer of the Straits Settlements to the Colonial Office. Even as late as 1886 it could have been avoided if, when the whole country came under British rule, the fact had been adequately recognized that its culture, history and outlook gave it an individuality which it was the duty of the conquerors to preserve with all possible care. But as few people knew anything about these things administrative convenience was the overruling consideration.
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Chapter 45. The Dutch ‘New Course’ and Nationalism in Indonesia, 1900–42

Abstract
By 1900 Dutch opinion on colonial affairs had come to regard liberalism as out of date. It was obvious that the supporters of private enterprise cared little about the interests of the Indonesians, and that the immense power that private capital had come to wield was in the hands of a few great corporations able to take common action in defence of their interests—the ‘over-mighty subjects’, in truth, of modern times. Dr. Abraham Kuyper, who became prime minister in 1901, was the writer of a pamphlet published in 1880, Ons Program, in which he argued that the government must adopt a policy of moral responsibility for native welfare. This idea he incorporated in the ‘Speech from the Throne’ of that year. Thus was launched what became known as the ‘Ethical Policy’.
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Chapter 46. French Administration and Nationalism in Indo-China

Abstract
The fashioning of what has been appropriately described as ‘the neat hierarchy of French colonial administration modelled on the Napoleonic pattern’1 was largely the work of Paul Doumer, who held the office of governor-general from 1897 to 1902. He unified the corps of civilian services, reconstituted the administration of Tong-king, and organized the government of the newly-acquired Laos territories. In Tongking he wiped out the last vestiges of autonomy by abolishing the offices of viceroy, Tong-doc and Tuan-phu, and transforming what was theoretically a protectorate into what became for all practical purposes a directly administered colony. The Laos territories became an ‘autonomous protectorate’ under a résident supérieur responsible to the governor-general. From Doumer’s regime, writes Georges Lamarre,2 dates l’Indochine actuelle.
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Chapter 47. The United States and Filipino Nationalism

Abstract
The blowing up of the American battleship Maine—presumably by accident—in Havana Bay on 15 February 1898 set off a far greater explosion, of anger against Spain as the suspected perpetrator, in the United States with the result that the two countries soon found themselves at war. Even Spain’s expressed willingness to submit the matter to impartial examination on Washington’s own terms was peremptorily swept aside. On the very day on which the United States Congress formally declared war, Commodore Dewey, then in Hong Kong harbour, received orders to lead his squadron into battle against the Spanish fleet at Manila. So on the morning of I May, before the eyes of the Manila populace on shore, he sailed into the Bay and destroyed or disabled the whole Spanish fleet without himself sustaining a single casualty.
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Chapter 48. The Economic Aspect of European Domination

Abstract
Economic imperialism provided the main stimulus to the extension of European domination over the lands and islands of South-East Asia. Europe’s insatiable hunger for markets and for tropical products went through a number of distinct phases between l500 and 1900. The most acute one coincided with the revolution in human life begun by the railway, steamship and electric telegraph, and intensified by the motor car, aeroplane and wireless. European industry became more and more dependent upon products that South-East Asia could supply in abundance, such as oil, rubber and various metals, while Europe’s growing population made ever greater demands on the rice, coffee, tea and sugar of the area.
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Chapter 49. Siam in Transition, 1910–42

Abstract
The title of the chapter is borrowed from Professor K. P. Landon’s book1 dealing with the revolution of 1932, which, besides substituting a form of constitutional government for the old Chakri absolutism, considerably hastened the process of adjusting Siam to modern world conditions begun under Chulalongkorn. Chulalongkorn had thirty-four sons and forty-three daughters. In the early days of his reign the sons were sent to English public schools, universities or technical institutions. Quite a number showed exceptional ability. Some became specialists in law, agriculture or engineering. Others received training in the British, German, Russian and Danish armies, and the British navy. Their father wrote a little pamphlet of advice for their benefit during their sojourn abroad.
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Chapter 50. The Japanese Impact

Abstract
When in November 1936 Germany and Japan signed the Anti-Comintern Pact and in July of the following year Japan’s second big offensive began in China, another Russo-Japanese war seemed only a matter of time. In the summer of 1938 there was open warfare near the junction of the borders of Manchuria, Korea and Siberia, and a state of severe tension in Soviet-Japanese relations. Both sides were making huge concentrations of troops in Manchuria and Siberia.
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Chapter 51. After the War, 1945–50

Abstract
South-East Asia before the Second World War was a little-known region to the majority of people in the West. It was completely overshadowed by India and China. The use of such terms as Further India or Indo-China to describe its mainland, and even of Indonesia or the Indian Archipelago for its island world, obscured its identity and minimized its importance. Now for a short time all that was changed. The limelight was focused upon the unfamiliar scene and broadcast announcers tried to master the strange, musical names. Burma, where the largest single land campaign was fought against the Japanese, became front-page news and figured in countless letters home. Thousands of Australian, British and Dutch families lost relatives in the labour gangs which slaved on the Burma-Thailand ‘death railway’; still more over a far wider area of the world, including America and Africa, suffered bereavement through battle casualties. The post-war world, therefore, had become aware of South-East Asia as never before. And if this generalization is scarcely fair to Holland, a large proportion of whose national savings was invested in Indonesia, or to France, who regarded her Indo-Chinese empire as essential to the maintenance of her position in the world, the fact remains that their attention was concentrated solely on the countries they held.
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Chapter 52. Independence

Abstract
The nineteen-fifties saw greater political changes in South-East Asia than any other previous decade in its history. When they dawned, the Philippines, Burma and Indonesia had just achieved independence. The states forming French Indo-China followed in 1945, when the kingdoms of Cambodia and Laos became independent in fact, and not merely in name, and Vietnam was divided at the 17th parallel of latitude into two independent states, the Democratic Republic of Vietnam in the north, and South Vietnam, initially under the one-time emperor of Annam, Bao Dai. In 1957 the Federation of Malaya achieved independence in the British Commonwealth by agreement with Britain, and in June 1959 Singapore, which had been excluded from the Federation, was granted internal self-government. Thus, whereas Thailand up to the Japanese invasion had been the only independent state, with the rest of South-East Asia under four Western imperial powers, now save for the British parts of Borneo, Portuguese Timor and Dutch Western New Guinea the imperial régimes had disappeared, and their places had been taken by independent states.
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